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Migration and Struggle in Greece

Archive for February, 2014

Lampedusa is not the only death zone, concentration camps are not a nightmare buried in the past

Posted by clandestina on 23 February 2014

Lampedusa is not the only death zone,
concentration camps are not a nightmare buried in the past

dates and numbers in the Greek Guantanamo calendar…

 

August 4, 2012

On August 4th, Greek institutional racism celebrated the anniversary of the 1936 military dictatorship by launching the “Xenios Zeus” operation, a spectacular celebration of mass arrests of sans-papiers in the center of Athens… The police operation was named “Xenios Zeus” (what a wicked sense of humor!), after the god who protected strangers in Ancient Greece. The reasons justifying the operation went back to some contested conception of Bronze Age history: “From the Dorian invasion, 4,000 years ago, the country has never accepted such a large scale invasion … migration might be a bigger problem than the economic crisis” (Nikos Dendias, Minister of Public Order, August 4, 2012).

7,000: The number of sans-papiers immigrants currently detained in concentration camps in Greece. To that should be added an unreported number of undocumented imprisonments of migrants in police stations throughout the country.

77,526: The number of immigrants captured by the Greek police since the beginning of the “Xenios Zeus” police operation, in the city of Athens only. The vast majority of them were “legal” immigrants, the number of undocumented migrants who were actually arrested in Athens is 4.435. This is a huge, military-style manhunt, in every sense of the term.

The Greek “Guantanamo system”: The concentration camps in function at the moment in Greece [some of them actually built as detention centers, some of them used informally as prisons, among which some are former military barracks, some police academy facilities, some police stations] are the following: in the Evros region (near the Greek-Turkish land borders) there are camps in Tychero, Feres, Soufli and Fylakio (this latter one is the only one actually built to be a detention center). Also in the Thrace region, in the towns of Komotini and Xanthi, former Police Academies are being used as detention centers. Between Xanthi and Komotini there is the Venna detention center, a former grain depot, again under no legal status, which has been used for many years to store “human garbage”. Not far away there is the concentration camp at Paranesti, Drama, at a former military barrack . Former military barracks are turned into concentration camps in Corinth (on the Peloponnese) and on Mytilene (in the Aegean). Also in the Aegean, new detention centers have been set up on the islands of Chios (in Mersinidi) and Samos (in Vathi). Police facilities are used as a huge concentration camp in Amygdaleza (outside Athens).

The only official police detention centers for the undocumented exist in Athens (Petrou Ralli street) and in Thessaloniki. However, many police stations are unofficially used for the detention of immigrants throughout the country. In the majority of these detention centers, the immigrants held are the ones arrested since the launching of the “Xenios Zeus” operation (mainly in Athens). In the past years, detention centers in the Evros region were used for the sans-papiers crossing the Greek-Turkish land borders, but now this is no longer the case, as their number has dropped dramatically. So, in those camps now there are held mostly undocumented migrants arrested in Athens. With one exception: in the Aegean, the undocumented detainees in the camps are mainly recent incomers, mostly refugees from the war in Syria.

Legal status of the camps: None. These are neither “screening centers” to check the accuracy of the arguments of asylum seekers, nor “open support centers” for refugees granted asylum status. They are not deportation centers for the ones whose deportation is underway (many of the undocumented held in the camps are war refugees and cannot be deported anyway). These are just black holes for the “subhumans” and an example for the rest of society.

In the past, undocumented migrants entering Greece were kept for some days in detention centers (mainly in the borders areas) and then they were given a piece of paper that was offering them a “legal” one-month deadline to leave Greece by their own accord. Holding this paper, they would head to Athens and would get trapped in the trafficking/smugglers’ mafia circuits who were promising them a way out of Greece. Immigrants making an asylum petition were kept more in the border detention centers, up to 3 months, as a form of punishment. Then they would also go to Athens. This has changed.

Now the majority of the undocumented held in detention centers are people arrested during the “Xenios Zeus” police operation. Many of them have been in the detention centers for almost a year and a half. We call the detention centers “concentration camps” because that is what they are. Not for the unbearable conditions, this has always been the case, but because they have been publicly announced as the place, both symbolic and real, where the “unnecessary ones”, “people without rights” (an ever-expanding concept) are being discarded. Since the summer of 2012 we live under a publicly announced state of emergency, a openly    confessed imposition of the politics of exception. This, together with the construction of a “fascist movement”, has been the answer of the ruling elites to the public unrest that the crisis has been generating.

80%: The decline of the number of undocumented migrants entering Greece since the beginning of the capitalist attack known as “the crisis”. In 2008 more than 120.000 sans papiers crossed the Greek borders. This number had already fallen to 40-50.000 by 2012. After the launching of  the “Xenios Zeus” operation in Greek cities and the “Aspida” (=Shield) operation in the Evros region, this number has fallen bellow 20.000. In other words, the number of undocumented migrants entering Greek territory had been in sharp decline before the launching of the anti-immigrant police operations. The decrease in the number of undocumented migrants entering Greece and the increase of immigrants leaving Greece is not due to “anti-immigrant policies”.  It is the effect of planned economic disaster.

30,000-400,000: The number of “legal” immigrants offered the big opportunity to legally leave Greece (many of them have lived here for more than two decades). The new Greek “Immigration Code” attempts to regulate “legal” immigrants who, in the new context of the devaluation of the workforce, are seen as useless labour overaccumulation. So now  they are offered a 5-year legal status, in exchange for their expressed will to leave Greece and go work in another E.U. country. Greeks are now meant to occupy the position and the social status of immigrant workers. Both fascists and neoliberals agree on this: Cheap workforce without rights is now the option “for Greeks only”.

50.7%: The percentage of policemen voting for the nazi party in the May 2012 elections in the special voting center for the (militarized) police motorcycle units (“Dias”, “Delta” and “Zeta” squads) in Athens. If you add to this the 12.5% of them that voted for the populist far-right party “Independent Greeks” and the 5% that voted for the Le Pen style party “LAOS”, you get a clear idea. The relevant percentages in the riot police voting center in Athens are: 46.7% for the nazi party, 10.7% for “Independent Greeks” and 5.5% for “LAOS”. In the case of the riot police units, the interesting info is that 8.4% of them voted for the Communist Party (only 2.5% in the motorcycle units), possibly because they appreciated the Party’s stance in mass demonstrations between 2008-2012. In the last few years, the Greek government has organized a massive recruitment of people eager to work in the police – both for financial and ideological reasons: getting paid to be a legal fascist is now a double fantasy come true. We know from comrades in Spain that the same thing has happened in their country.

Antiracism? We quote:Police stations throughout the country have turned into ‘warehouses for human souls’, the conditions have been described as tragic, and as violating both international rules and Greek laws. The E.U. has always offered help, but the Greek State has not been willing to fully exploit it. Now the country needs to make the most of the 230 million Euros the E.U. is offering. It would be ‘desirable’ that this money be used to create modern hosting facilities, with distinctive places for criminals and the undocumented, regular access to a courtyard, natural lighting, proper food and regular medical checks. In a nowadays unacceptable status, health and safety regulations are not respected, and we often have unacceptable and arbitrary police behavior. This is exactly what is expected to happen when the State itself stacks human souls for a long time in inappropriate places, without any interest to satisfy the minimum human needs“. Is this part of the proposals on the “issue of immigration” of a progressive Greek political party? No, the above words were spoken on December 12, 2013, by the President of the Panhellenic Federation of Police Officers in the 12th National Roundtable Against Discrimination. The “police unionist” also proposed hiring immigrants in the police force, adding that “…it might be useful to try to record the situation and demands of the thousands of foreigners already detained in detention centers. To make a survey to see how many they actually are, as well as why and where they want to live. Instead of trying to persuade them to return to their country, wouldn’t it be easier to guide them towards a better opportunity in another European country where already other members of their families are living?“.

While there are radical voices within Syriza that go a lot further, the police unionist’s proposals are more or less similar to those of the dominant part of Greek institutional Left parties. If the institutional Left form the next Greek government, they might indeed shut down the concentration camps, but not necessarily as part of a politics of respect of human dignity and basic rights, but in order to harmonize Greek policy with E.U. legislation, by putting the EU money to good use, opening more proper detention facilities, and satisfying the demands of the Greek police and their more conservative voters along the way. Indeed, a part of the institutional Left in Greece is speaking in favor of the same system that radical movements throughout Europe are fighting against.

As for the sudden awakening of Greek Police “unionists”, it is not entirely incomprehensible: The Greek government announced that surveillance of the detention centers will be handed to private security companies. And this is not the only case: all the Greek security personnel hired to protect the (Canadian-owned) goldmine to be built in Chalkidiki will be fired – the gold corporation is contracting the infamous international mercenary company formerly known as Blackwater for this purpose. Greek Police “unionists” look to the future: if immigrants abandon Greece en masse, policemen will lose their role as “human hunters” – as well as the bonuses they get thanks to the existence of the huge trafficking/smuggling mafia complex. The “modern hosting facilities” suggested are career opportunities: they will be upgraded from human-hunters to human-keepers.

But let’s return to the present: the Greek Guantanamo system is in full function, destroying thousands of lives and pushing Greek society towards totalitarianism. In the possibly incomplete data below, you can have an idea of what we are talking about.

 

A CHRONICLE OF HORROR… AND DIGNITY…

Riots, hunger strikes and death in the camps after the launching of “Xenios Zeus” operation

September 24, 2012
45 immigrants go on hunger strike at the Xanthi detention center when they learn that their detention will be prolonged for six more months. The hunger strike ended on September 28, when the authorities reassured the immigrants that they will not be kept any longer, a promise the authorities did not keep.

November 17, 2012
Hundreds of immigrants held in various detention centers go on hunger strike protesting the mistreatment of Navit Yasser, a detention center inmate who died after being denied medical care although he was in poor health.

November 18, 2012
A riot starts at the Corinth detention center, where 800 immigrants are kept prisoners. The riot was suppressed by riot police forces who have been stationed outside the detention center ever since. 10 immigrants were injured and 24 arrested.

November 23, 2012
A large riot starts at the Komotini detention center, where 500 immigrants are kept in the former Police Academy of Komotini. The detainees started by shouting slogans and smashing objects, then they started burning mattresses and attacking the police. The riot was suppressed by riot police forces.

December 4, 2012
A riot starts at the Amygdaleza detention center. The riot ends after negotiations with the authorities.

December 5, 2012
A riot starts at the Fylakio detention center. Protests by a group of prisoners escalated to a riot, suppressed by riot police.

January 1, 2013
After the brutal beating of a minor, 15 children immigrants go on hunger strike at the Amygdaleza detention center.

February 7, 2013
A riot breaks at the Fylakio detention center, because of the prolongation of detention. Many immigrants were arrested and 8 of them received what the cops called an “exemplary punishment”.

February 12, 2013
Detained immigrants go on hunger strike at the Nikaea Police Station (in Athens) protesting their filthy treatment and the beating up of an immigrant by a policeman. The hunger strike was suppressed with brutal beatings and by transferring the hunger strikers to other police departments.

February 21, 2013
A hunger strike starts at the Amygdaleza detention centre. The hunger strike was brutally suppressed on February 23 by the riot police.

March 7, 2013
A riot is attempted at the Fylakio detention centre, and is immediately suppressed by riot police.

March 28, 2013
2 immigrants threaten to commit suicide from the roof of the Corinth detention center.

April 7, 2013
3 immigrants try to commit suicide at the Amygdaleza detention center. The next day (April 8) about 1,000 migrants go on hunger strike at Amygdaleza.

April 9, 2013
Hundreds of migrants detained in various camps and police stations join the Amygdaleza hunger strike. In 24 hours the hunger strike spreads throughout the country, with about 1,800 immigrants participating.

April 10, 2013
Riot police enter the Corinth detention center, where there are immigrants participating in the nation-wide hunger strike. Riot police use teargas against the hunger strikers and arrest 47 of them. After this event, the hunger strike gradually  ceases in all detention centers.

June 23, 2013
A 20-year-old immigrant from the Ivory Coast commits suicide in the police station of Grevena, where he was held to be deported.

July 12, 2013
A 26-year-old immigrant from Pakistan hangs himself and dies in the toilet of the Servia – Kozani police station. He was arrested just because he didn’t have the proper documents.

July 27, 2013
Mohammad Hassan, an Afghan refugee suffering from a respiratory infection, dies in the concentration camp in Corinth, after being denied transfer to a hospital for eleven months.

August 10, 2013
A big revolt takes place at the Amygdaleza detention center when the arrested learn that their imprisonment will be prolonged again: now from 12 to 18 months. The immigrants torch the containers where they were being kept, attack the wardens with plastic bottles and gravel, try to break the iron doors and fences and ten of them find a way out of what they call the “Greek Guantanamo”. Many immigrants are arrested and dispersed to various prisons across the country.

August 24, 2013
A refugee from Afghanistan tries to kill himself, jumping from a second floor window at the Corinth detention center.

August 27, 2013
400 immigrants held at the Orestiada detention center go on hunger strike when they learn that their imprisonment will be prolonged from 12 to 18 months.

In the last 3-4 months, there have been dozens of suicide attempts within the detention centers and many incidents of protest, reaction and repression have been systematically concealed by the police and the government. In the last two years there have been hundreds of deaths in the Aegean and the Ionian seas, there have been hundreds of attacks on immigrants by fascists, amongst them three confirmed murders.

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A CHRONICLE OF HORROR… AND DIGNITY…

Posted by clandestina on 23 February 2014

A CHRONICLE OF HORROR… AND DIGNITY…

Riots, hunger strikes and death in the camps after the launching of “Xenios Zeus” operation

September 24, 2012
45 immigrants go on hunger strike at the Xanthi detention center when they learn that their detention will be prolonged for six more months. The hunger strike ended on September 28, when the authorities reassured the immigrants that they will not be kept any longer, a promise the authorities did not keep.

November 17, 2012
Hundreds of immigrants held in various detention centers go on hunger strike protesting the mistreatment of Navit Yasser, a detention center inmate who died after being denied medical care although he was in poor health.

November 18, 2012
A riot starts at the Corinth detention center, where 800 immigrants are kept prisoners. The riot was suppressed by riot police forces who have been stationed outside the detention center ever since. 10 immigrants were injured and 24 arrested.

November 23, 2012
A large riot starts at the Komotini detention center, where 500 immigrants are kept in the former Police Academy of Komotini. The detainees started by shouting slogans and smashing objects, then they started burning mattresses and attacking the police. The riot was suppressed by riot police forces.

December 4, 2012
A riot starts at the Amygdaleza detention center. The riot ends after negotiations with the authorities.

December 5, 2012
A riot starts at the Fylakio detention center. Protests by a group of prisoners escalated to a riot, suppressed by riot police.

January 1, 2013
After the brutal beating of a minor, 15 children immigrants go on hunger strike at the Amygdaleza detention center.

February 7, 2013
A riot breaks at the Fylakio detention center, because of the prolongation of detention. Many immigrants were arrested and 8 of them received what the cops called an “exemplary punishment”.

February 12, 2013
Detained immigrants go on hunger strike at the Nikaea Police Station (in Athens) protesting their filthy treatment and the beating up of an immigrant by a policeman. The hunger strike was suppressed with brutal beatings and by transferring the hunger strikers to other police departments.

February 21, 2013
A hunger strike starts at the Amygdaleza detention centre. The hunger strike was brutally suppressed on February 23 by the riot police.

March 7, 2013
A riot is attempted at the Fylakio detention centre, and is immediately suppressed by riot police.

March 28, 2013
2 immigrants threaten to commit suicide from the roof of the Corinth detention center.

April 7, 2013
3 immigrants try to commit suicide at the Amygdaleza detention center. The next day (April 8) about 1,000 migrants go on hunger strike at Amygdaleza.

April 9, 2013
Hundreds of migrants detained in various camps and police stations join the Amygdaleza hunger strike. In 24 hours the hunger strike spreads throughout the country, with about 1,800 immigrants participating.

April 10, 2013
Riot police enter the Corinth detention center, where there are immigrants participating in the nation-wide hunger strike. Riot police use teargas against the hunger strikers and arrest 47 of them. After this event, the hunger strike gradually  ceases in all detention centers.

June 23, 2013
A 20-year-old immigrant from the Ivory Coast commits suicide in the police station of Grevena, where he was held to be deported.

July 12, 2013
A 26-year-old immigrant from Pakistan hangs himself and dies in the toilet of the Servia – Kozani police station. He was arrested just because he didn’t have the proper documents.

July 27, 2013
Mohammad Hassan, an Afghan refugee suffering from a respiratory infection, dies in the concentration camp in Corinth, after being denied transfer to a hospital for eleven months.

August 10, 2013
A big revolt takes place at the Amygdaleza detention center when the arrested learn that their imprisonment will be prolonged again: now from 12 to 18 months. The immigrants torch the containers where they were being kept, attack the wardens with plastic bottles and gravel, try to break the iron doors and fences and ten of them find a way out of what they call the “Greek Guantanamo”. Many immigrants are arrested and dispersed to various prisons across the country.

August 24, 2013
A refugee from Afghanistan tries to kill himself, jumping from a second floor window at the Corinth detention center.

August 27, 2013
400 immigrants held at the Orestiada detention center go on hunger strike when they learn that their imprisonment will be prolonged from 12 to 18 months.

In the last 3-4 months, there have been dozens of suicide attempts within the detention centers and many incidents of protest, reaction and repression have been systematically concealed by the police and the government. In the last two years there have been hundreds of deaths in the Aegean and the Ionian seas, there have been hundreds of attacks on immigrants by fascists, amongst them three confirmed murders.

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CONCENTRATION CAMPS: the return of totalitarianism

Posted by clandestina on 23 February 2014

CONCENTRATION CAMPS: the return of totalitarianism

No prince was ever at a loss for plausible reasons to cloak a breach of faith
“Since love and fear can hardly exist together, if we must choose between them,
it is far safer to be feared than loved”
Niccolò Machiavelli, The Prince

“…dominion can be established, that is, men can be unified only in a unity against – against other men. Every association of men is necessarily a separation from other men”
Karl Schmitt, Political Theology, 1922

“The legitimation of violence against a demonized internal enemy
brings us close to the heart of fascism.”
Robert Paxton, The Anatomy of Fascism, 2004

“A nation cannot develop and become strong without a sense of urgency and a sense of crisis.”
Long Yongtu, China’s chief WTO negotiator
Financial Times, 17 November 1999

“Capitalism itself works in cycles of crisis production and crisis management. For global capital these ‘crises’ are actually its cyclical opportunities for radical restructuring. Capital doesn’t just manage crises, it directs them. Capitalism itself is the root crisis that is destroying humanity and the planet.” (Clandestina network, Joseph Matthews, Iain Boal, George Caffentzis, Silvia Federici et al., Europe at the frontline of the great enclosure. An opportunity to get real in the promised wasteland, October 2009).

Politics means the “other” must become the enemy

The concentration camp is a penal system in itself. It is an extra-judicial penal system because of the objective innocence of the detained (people are held only because they exist – without rights), and of the extra-legal status of the institutional existence of the camps (they function not as a prison, nor as a police station, nor as a hostel, they are not described in the law…). These two elements place the concentration camp system as a whole outside the realm of rational State-institutional calculation, and in a universe wholly different from a rights-based utilitarian regime. Despite their uselessness, even their cynically admitted anti-utility (they don’t produce labor, don’t reform characters, nor cure diseases), the camps are the key to sustaining totalitarian rule, for the camp system infuses society with an undefined fear that is essential both to maintaining the totalitarian regime’s hold over society at large and to inspiring ‘its nuclear troops -cops, guards, officers- with fanaticism’.

Until some years ago, the social movement in Greece had to organize campaigns just to make visible the immigrant detention centers in the country:  They were calculated about 80 in 2005, both formal (in military barracks or depots), and informal (usually in police stations). Nowadays, “concentration camps for immigrants” have became a flag notion in the dominant fascist rhetoric of the government. They are the symbolic place where the “unnecessary ones”, people without rights (an expanding concept) are being discarded. They are a black hole of fear and hate: Fear of being dumped there, hate for those who are already in there. The dominant regime manages social relations through the structure of a military camp. The “troops of sovereignty”, whether the legal state security forces or the fascist “assault squads”, are being trained on the naked bodies of those stripped of every human quality. Large-scale police operations are being conducted as military clearing operations. Hate spreads. Mixed with despair, it creates the kind of citizen that capitalism, the Party of Death, prefers to govern.

With the depreciation of life becoming the norm, the need for totalitarianism appears natural. Violence in everyday media iconography turns the perception of life into a Quentin Tarantino movie. Now we know: The images from concentration camps in Greece were not leaked in order to denounce brutality but in order to advertise it, just like the torture images from Guantanamo were publicized to assure patriots that the army was doing its job. When the destruction of personal human identity is being officially established through torture and contempt, hate spreads and pervades everyday life.

“The ideal subject of totalitarian rule is not the convinced Nazi or the convinced Communist, but people for whom the distinction between fact and fiction (i.e. the reality of experience) and the distinction between true and false (i.e. the standards of thought) no longer exist.” (Hannah Arendt, Origins of Totalitarianism, 1958)

Disciplining through destroying the value of the human

The December 2008 riots were followed by a “counterinsurgency” on behalf of the State. This countermovement began in the spring of 2009, as a direct response to the struggles following the assault against the Bulgarian cleaner and trade-unionist Konstandina Kuneva, and it was implemented through the attacks on immigrants and refugees. Immigrants and refugees actually became an issue for the first time: Let us not forget that already in 2007 there 257 migrants had lost their lives trying to cross the Aegean,  and the ProAsyl report had documented the systematic torture of immigrants by the Greek port police. Yet nobody had paid attention until then. In 2009, the “invisible” suddenly became “too visible” and were presented as the greatest threat to society. The joint attack by fascists and riot police against sans papiers immigrants who had squatted the empty and abandoned building of the Court of Appeal, as well as a series of meetings of the Minister of Public Order with the fascist so-called “citizens committees” were a foretaste of what would follow:

Aghios Panteleimonas is a poor neighborhood at the center of the city of Athens where thousands of immigrants, mainly from Afghanistan, were left to live out on the streets – with no hygiene nor shelter. Tension built up with the locals. Amongst the locals were also immigrants from Albania, who after years of exploitation had managed to buy appartments and were witnessing the dramatic fall in the price of land in the area because of this chaotic situation. Some of the “old” immigrants even backed fascist “vigilantes”, disguised as “citizen committees” and joined them in attacking the “new” immigrants (see the Norwegian documentary The battle for Attica square). Gradually, and through a systematic coordination by certain fascists, Aghios Panteleimonas became the cradle for both the internal enemy and the fascist attack squads. Fascist squads were born from the mafias exploiting immigrants and from the multipurpose trafficking networks, which in the previous years had been created and maintained through the illegal status of the immigrants – often under the direct control and participation, and always with the tolerance, of the police.

We must note here a change in the direction of exploitation compared to the period from the 1990s until the mid-2000s. The looting of the lives of immigrants did not aim to exploit cheap labor anymore. Instead, immigrants were used for the construction of the idea of “people seen as garbage”, of “human surplus”, leading to an overall devaluation of life.

Immigrants were criminalized and victimized simultaneously. Their mere existence as humans was converted into a problem, which was served together with its “solution”. The conditions (what the international Press would call a “humanitarian crisis” with migrants as the victims, and what the  Greek mass media would call “a war in the neighborhoods of Athens”, with the Greeks in the role of the victims), soon convinced everyone that we were living in an emergency situation requiring emergency action. The dominant elites had decided to restore their power through a publicly announced official state of exception.

Let us provide some background to this: In 2009 the “socialist” party PASOK won the elections. G. Papandreou, then premier of Greece, had described his government as a bunch of “anti-authoritarians in power”. PASOK temporarily halted the construction of an internal enemy and adopted a profile of modernization and democracy (shutting down the Pagani detention center in Mytilene with a command by the minister of Public Order Spyros Vougias, voting a more liberal Bill on Citizenship etc). However, this propaganda was aimed at the Greek audience. In reality, the situation for the excluded remained exactly the same: So there was a short wave of antiracist rhetoric in the mass media but the deep control of immigrants by the mafias in real life continued. At the same time, tension in Agios Panteleimonas neighborhood was still building up. Necessary attention to this development was still lacking, as the social movement remained largely drunk on the glory of the December 2008 riots or was expecting an explosion of radicalism in the population, as local assemblies and grassroots trade unions seemed to develop in many neighborhoods.

The impossibility to distinguish between fact and fiction and between true and false, which was fostered for decades by the spectacular commodity society, seemed threatened by the imminent violent impoverishment of the population and the consequent emergence of widespread discontent against the political system. The public discourse in 2010-2011 gradually shifted again towards fascism: Frontex and the fence on Evros, labelling the 300 migrant hunger strikers a “health bomb”, attacks on immigrant street vendors selling bags, CDs and mobile phone chargers (the fascists were saying small shops were allegedly closing because of the few African vendors, forgetting to mention the expansion of multinationals, heavy government  taxation and the general impoverishment).

In the same period, police forces gradually turned overtly and expressively fascist (a development which coincided with the establishment of the new “DIAS” motorcycle patrol units, and with the massive recruitment by the government of special guards, etc.). As riot police were constantly faced with hundreds of thousands of protesters, often in very violent confrontations, the regime did not feel safe having just uniformed servants who would defend the financial mafia in exchange for a salary. The new and enforced mercenaries had to see the protesters as enemies, they had to hate ideologically those who were resisting. Simply put, security forces had to urgently turn fascist (and indeed, in the 2012 elections half of the police voted for the nazi party).

The shift towards a full-blown fascist discourse and the transformation of society into a pro-fascist audience culminated in 2012, with the minister of Public Order Chrysochoidis announcing the creation of dozens of concentration camps for undocumented immigrants.

Making numbers speak

More than 5,000 undocumented immigrants have been arrested and detained in concentration camps since the launch of the police operation named “Xenios Zeus” (what a wicked sense of humor!), after the god who protected strangers in Ancient Greece. Amongst the detained are many refugees from Syria (who, according to international conventions, should be protected as war refugees). In addition, an unknown number of immigrants are held in police stations across the country. In order to grasp the meaning of the size of the detained population of undocumented immigrants in Greece, let us mention that the number of prisoners in the “normal” prison system is not more than double the number of detainees in concentration camps – and the overwhelming majority in the actual prisons are immigrants themselves.

This intensification of anti-immigrant policies was allegedly intended to “restrict immigrant population in the country”. Immigrants however did not and do not leave Greece because of the fascist attacks, for hardship and insane violence is nothing new to them. They leave the country mainly because there are no jobs and no way to get by. In the last two years they have been returning to their countries, even going back to Turkey (where they are still offered the bitter privilege of brutal exploitation as extremely cheap labor force), or they get trapped in other Balkan countries (Serbia, Macedonia) trying to reach the “European dream” and end up working in construction for some Russian mafia at Montenegro tourist resorts.

The decrease in the number of undocumented migrants entering Greece is not due to “anti-immigrant politics” but because of the policy of planned economic disaster. The sharp decline in the number of immigrants entering through the Evros river (the Greek-Turkish border) is not due to the much-discussed fence. This route was the choice of workers from northern and central Africa, the Middle East and Asia who could travel without a visa to Turkey and enter Greece crossing the river on boats and on foot. In the last years in Greece we are facing a systematic destruction of productive forces and living labor. So, simply put, migrant workers do not come anymore – they know there is absolutely nothing to do here.

It might sound contradictory to explain the decline in the number of incoming immigrants in Greece through the economic crisis, since most of them are “transit immigrants” and do not want to stay in Greece anyway. However, for the mere passage through Greece one needs money. If the undocumented do not have money, they must work to raise the amounts demanded by traffickers for the next part of the trip. If they have money, they should not spend it elsewhere. But as the undocumented are trapped in Greece, even those who have money for the traffickers, eventually spend it for their own survival. As there are no jobs, the passage from Greece is not a choice anymore and the same goes for choosing Greece as a final destination. The number of undocumented immigrants arrested on Greek territory had been in sharp decline before the launching of the “Xenios Zeus” operation in Athens and the “Operation Shield” in Evros: from 146,337 in 2008, the number of arrested fell to 76,878 in 2012. This number does not reflect the number of incomers, as only 60% of the arrests happen at the border. The total number includes many immigrants arrested again and again in big Greek cities: 28,558 of the 99,368 arrests of 2011, 27,541 of the 76,878 arrests in 2012 and 11,636 of the 31,050 arrests in the first 9 months of 2013. According to Greek Police data, the number of undocumented immigrants entering Greece fell from 90,000 in 2010 to 60-70,000 in 2011 and to 40-50,000 in 2012. In comparison, the number of undocumented arrested on an annual basis throughout the EU according to the website of the department of internal affairs of the European Commission is an astonishing 500,000. The overall decline in the numbers of undocumented in Greece is reflected by the fact that this year the number of those who left Greece for central Europe via the Balkan countries was double the number of those who entered Greece from Turkey according to the Frontex Risk Analysis bulletin-second quarter of 2013. The passage through the Western Balkans also demonstrates the economic dead-end that undocumented immigrants face in Greece. Is not the only route out of Greece, but it is chosen by more and more as it is the cheapest passage, since there is no strong network of traffickers yet, and the passage is largely done impromptu.

The sad confirmation of the change of the route entries of immigrants into Europe comes from the hundreds of deaths in Lampedusa.

The passage to Greece through the Aegean increased sharply (505%), mainly because of the war in Syria. According to the Reuters agency (21/10/2013) more than 600,000 refugees of this war are now in Turkey. A comparatively small number of refugees from Syria (which has a land border with Turkey) cross Anatolia on foot and try to enter Greece through the Aegean. The result: dozens of refugees dead in ship-wrecks in the Aegean and mass graves in Mytilene.

Cheap workforce without rights, now “for Greeks only”

The new Greek “Immigration Code” attempts to regulate “legal” immigrants who, in the new context of the devaluation of workforce, are seen as useless labour overaccumulation. The Code basically says to the “legal” immigrants: “Thanks for your cooperation, now goodbye”. The new Code encourages “flexibility” in the conversion of previously “legal” immigrants into “illegal” ones (because of unemployment and inability to collect work stamps necessary for them to remain “legal”). This flexibility is accompanied by a new regulation, which promises to convert the immigrant status of “long-term residence” in Greece to a legal option of going to work in another EU country. Hundreds of thousands of immigrants who are threatened to become “illegals” because of the “economic crisis” are practically forced to move to another European country. As far as Greece is concerned, Greeks are now meant to occupy the position and the social status of immigrant workers. Both fascists and neoliberals agree on this: Cheap workforce without rights is now the option “for Greeks only”.

The same goes for concentration camps: Greeks are intended to occupy the position of immigrants in the camps (or rather to obey, “or else the camps await”): Last spring Greek drug addicts were shut in the Amygdaleza immigrants detention center. Some weeks later, plans were leaked about the use of former military barracks for the imprisonment of Greek tax debtors (“after all, you used to send your kids for military service there, it couldn’t be so bad to spend some time jailed in a military barrack yourselves, or would you prefer immigrants to take advantage of this hospitality offer?”)… The intensification of anti-immigrant policies ultimately aimed mostly at the management of locals, not the immigrants.

“State sovereignty is based upon the distinction between friend and enemy” (Karl Schmitt), state unity is achieved by defining the content of politics as an opposition to the ”other” (a stranger, an enemy). Furthermore, “governments today seek to manage disorder [ …] The challenge is to intervene after the event of disorder, a posteriori” (Giorgio Agamben).

Scapegoating, initially in response to the December uprising, and later as a prerequisite for the success of capitalist attack within the so-called crisis, was to be expected.

The mechanism of “migration chaos”, the “state of emergency” that presented totalitarianism as necessary, is rather simple. The Undocumented go where trafficking mafias send them, in the same way that drug addicts gather where there are merchants of death. Obviously, someone who comes from Afghanistan does not choose by himself to head to Agios Panteleimonas… If the ruling elites wanted to exploit the refugees of new world order wars for creating cheap labor, as they did with Albanian immigrants in the early 90s, they could have used trafficking circuits to direct them into the ghettos in the periphery of Athens, where immigrants would get in contact either with smugglers who would send them to another European country or with black labor pimps who control sweatshops, as happens with the Bangladeshis who are sent by the traffickers directly to pick strawberries in Manolada.

In Greece, already after the Olympics in 2004, the future had been predetermined: It the methodical destruction of productive forces and of living labor, for a new round of capitalist accumulation: the game of destruction, devaluation and profit.

The choice of accumulating “human-garbage” in the center of Athens has often been attributed to a systematic reduction in land values as part of a broader «gentrification» plan. This may be true, as it is also true that this human accummulation contributed to the vast multiplication of many types of mafias.

The core, however, of the policy of “human-garbage” is that it set an example for greek society, an example which naturalized the necessity of totalitarianism, whether in the form of fascist assault squads or in the form of police raids.

This description of the mechanism of “immigration chaos” does not imply that the ruling elites designed it in every detail. They simply watched and encouraged the situation unfold in that direction. They reinforced what contributed to this direction and fought against what could prevent it.

The symbolism of concentration camps was a completely conscious choice within the framework of the publicly announced state of emergency, the public pronouncement of the politics of exception.

…and the real enemy?

Capitalism is not a safe way to live. Fascism is an “extremism of the center” in the sense of an overwhelming crisis beyond the reach of any traditional solutions. The struggle against concentration camps is inseparable from the struggle of life against death.

The rhetoric of the two extremes was manufactured systematically since 2009. The coalition government had every reason to promote the idea of a neonazi party representing one right wing  extreme to a left extreme, in order to ideologically instrumentalize the existing and dangerous social movement and create analogies between two allegedly similar but ideologically opposed sides of terrorism. This served two purposes: 1. a “fear of what the neonazi party could do” was used to pass racist policies, and secure the shock tactics of antisocial measures, 2. the equation of “the rightwing extremism” with “the leftwing extremism” was used for the persecution of the social movement (the criminalisation of the local antigoldmine struggle in Halkidiki, and the eviction of squats and social centers).

It should be noted here that the “fascist threat” was a media construct and a government promotion well before it actually became a voters’ movement with certain uncontrollable, and seemingly “antisystemic”, features.

Interestingly, the Greek version of the indignados movement (or the “squares movement”) in the spring and summer of 2011 excluded immigrant solidarity from the agenda, with the excuse that “this would divert the discussion from the attack against the Greeks…” Also, the Communist Party KKE as well as Syriza, the two left wing parties in parliament, did not refuse to partake of the construction of the Extremismustheorie, (at least until the assassination of the antifascist Pavlos Fyssas, which gave rise to huge demos and forced the government to play the antifascist for a while and lock up a few GD members, including the party leader). KKE did not hesitate at the beginning of 2012 to let GD members speak at an open assembly of striking metal workers, with the phrase “we are open to the whole of society [meaning not only anarchists]”, because the stalinist party saw the antiauthoritarians were becoming too important in the solidarity wave for the striking workers. The Syriza leader Alexis Tsipras also objected in 2012 to “being called a fascist or an anarchist”, and Syriza parliamentaries spoke on equal terms and often with racist slogans with GD fellow MPs. So much for what “the Left in power” can do!

At the moment, local antiauthoritarian assemblies are spreading throughout the larger towns, in Athens the antifascist movement has not ceased to fight at every corner, the struggle against the goldmines in Halkidiki, Northern Greece is holding strong despite extreme and ongoing pressure by the gold company and its subservient Greek State.

Let us never forget that immigrant struggles, since at least 2007 have been the solid, if unacknowledged, background to the Greek social movement’s struggles: The Bangladeshi strawberry workers’ strike in 2007, the Afghani riots at the settlement in Patras in January, August and September 2008, the immigrant workers’ hunger strike for full rights in Crete 2008, the majestic case of the Bulgarian immigrant trade-unionist Konstantina Kuneva in 2009, attacked and deformed with vitriol thrown at her by the bosses for her brave struggles for the rights of cleaners, the Egyptian fishermen very long strike in Michaniona, Thessaloniki in 2010, which, through bitterly shattered, still forced boat-owners throughout the country’s fishing ports to take all fishermen more seriously, the 300 immigrant workers’ hunger strike in 2011 for full rights for all immigrants, which gave rise to a tremendous solidarity movement at home and abroad, the Bangladeshi strawberry pickers again this year…and numerous protests within the detention centres and prisons…we should not let all this be written out of history.

Concentration camps mark the organized destruction of rights

The organized destruction of the “juridical person in man” that Arendt speaks about, is evident from the fact that concentration camps (announced by the “socialist” minister of public order Chrysochoidis in 2012 and implemented now by right-wing public order minister Dendias) do not fall under any European Union legislation. The European policy of “migration management” establishes three types of “facilities”: screening centers at the borders, designed to examine the accuracy of the arguments of asylum seekers, open support centers for refugees granted asylum status (one in four-that is 25 percent in the EU, only one in a thousand – 0,3 percent in Greece) and deportation centers for the ones whose deportation is underway.

Obviously, we do not mention this in order to support the … “harmonization with European legislation” but to highlight the fact the greek State officially positions undocumented migrants within an extra-judicial penal system, outside the purview of the law.

As regards the trust in European legislation from a part of the greek Left, we should mention that the extension of detention time of the prisoners of the “Xenios Zeus” police operation (when they will have completed one year of detention) was based on the infamous Directive on Return, the “shameful Directive” which was adopted in December 2008 and allowed EU member States detain undocumented migrants scheduled for deportation for up to 18 months (back then, maximum detention time for arrested undocumented immigrants in Greece was 3 months). The announcement of the extension of detention time from 12 to 18 months generated riots and hunger strikes in several concentration camps, which were faced with tear gas and police brutality. Insurgents from Amygdaleza detention centers have been scattered in various prisons and detention centers across the country.

The politics of the Greek State is the politics of devaluation, of “human garbage” talk and of concentration camps. It is the politics of permanent emergency, of constant exception and of sustainable, organized chaos. It attacks immigrants first, but the ultimate goal is the management of the whole population.

 

PS: this text has been translated in Serbo-Croatian and published in Margina (Clandestina. “Concentration Camps: The Return of Totalitarianism”, Margina – Magazin za sve ostalo, No 2, year I, Dec. 2013, pp. 32-40).

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WHEN THE INVISIBLE HAND OF THE MARKET RISES IN A NAZI SALUTE

Posted by clandestina on 23 February 2014

WHEN THE INVISIBLE HAND OF THE MARKET RISES IN A NAZI SALUTE

notes on immigration, fascism and the crisis in Greece

“…[T]here is a proliferation of “regional wars” and “internal conflicts”; capital follows paths of atypical accumulation; and large masses of workers are mobilised. Result: a huge rolling wheel of millions of migrants moving across the planet. As “foreigners” in that “world without frontiers” which had been promised by the victors of the cold war, they are forced to endure racist persecution, precarious employment, the loss of their cultural identity, police repression, hunger, imprisonment and murder (…) The objective of neoliberalism’s migration policy is more to destabilise the world labour market than to put a brake on immigration.” (Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos, The fourth world war has begun, 1997)

 

1. a short chronicle

In the first six months of 2012, the Press agreed that: “The national income within 2 years decreased from 240 billion to 200 billion €, while unemployment in Greece, after four years of recession, increased from 9% in 2009 to 20-25% in 2012 … after the lowering of salaries and the imposition of new taxes and the raising of older ones, the average per capita disposable income has decreased by 40%…”, that there is a “great decline in births…” and that “the suicide and mortality rates have risen rapidly…”

In February 2012, the US State Department was warning US-citizens traveling to Greece of the potential dangers: “Strikes and demonstrations are a regular occurrence. Greece is a stable democracy and these activities for the most part are orderly and lawful, although early 2012 protests signaled an uptick in the level of violence with extensive fire-bombings and vandalism in Central Athens” (State Department’s Office of American Citizens Services and Crisis Management, directions to US travelers).

In early March 2012 the Press and the so-called blogsphere echoed a completely ungrounded threat. “Ultra-rightwing and nazi organizations and reserve soldiers’ associations will gather in the Syntagma square during the March 25 national army parade”. The far right did not show up for the appointment. Institutional racism took over: The next day Michalis Chrysohoidis [minister of public order – and citizens’ protection] announced the creation of 30 concentration camps for the imprisonment of 30,000 illegal immigrants’ (26 March 2012) and was immediately backed by Health Minister: “The direction of M. Chrysochoidis camps for illegal immigrants is absolutely correct … a health bomb has escaped from the foreigners’ ghettos” (Andreas Loverdos, March 31, 2012). Τhe current prime-minister agreed: “We will recapture our cities!” (Andonis Samaras, March 29, 2012)

Of course neither the clearing operations nor the camps were actually realized then on any serious scale. The symbolic role of these announcements was much more important.

The fascists finally performed well in the elections and on August 4th, institutional racism celebrated the anniversary of the 1936 Metaxas dictatorship by launching the “Xenios Zeus” operation, a spectacular celebration of mass arrests of sans-papiers in the center of Athens…

The reasons justifying the operation went back to some contested conception of Bronze Age history: “From the Dorian invasion, 4,000 years ago, the country has never accepted such a large scale invasion … migration might be a bigger problem than the economic crisis”(Nikos Dendias, Minister of Public Order, August 4, 2012)

Soon, it seemed almost natural that “… [i]n the first half of 2012, there ha[d] been more than 600 violent racist attacks in Greece…” And the progressive ‘public opinion makers’ like the Guardian abroad suddenly realized it was already too late: “… [N]ational authorities – as well as the EU and the international community at large – have largely turned a blind eye to xenophobic violence in Greece (…) the governments of Greece and Europe seem willing to tolerate this as the social cost of an ongoing austerity consensus (…).” (The Independent, August 30, 2012).

 

2. techniques of governance

The devaluation of immigrant labor and immigrant life seems to be part of an experiment that is being conducted in Greece. The success of this experiment has depended on the systematic use of certain techniques of governance:

When over 20 years ago workers from Albania and families from former Soviet countries were betting on Greece, with a booming construction market, no young people in the fields and a dire demand for reproductive labor (from taking care of the children to avoiding the costs of private clinics for the elderly), the proliferation of the image of the criminal immigrant was necessary. It kept the wages low and kept in check the immigrants precarious legal status, through a distinction between criminals and non-criminals, Georgians or Albanians of ethnic Greek origin on the one hand and poor foreigners on the other.

In a nutshell: For two decades, the cheap labor of immigrants reduced unemployment, by boosting the primary sector of production and creating jobs in the secondary and tertiary sectors. Very soon, with the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and the continuing world war in Africa, the turn from development to disaster capitalism meant that more Afro-asian migrants arrived to the Southeastern border of Europe. Cheap labor was still needed, yet profits could be faster, and the image of the immigrant underwent a structural adjustment: More and more people had to be deemed useless, treated as waste, excluded from any productive activity. In practice, the image of the criminal mafia gang member from Albania or the former USSR was replaced by the image of the useless, disposable refugee, who is a public health hazard. It is only natural that the attacks against immigrants paved the ground for the crushing of the rights and dignity also of the hitherto privileged Greeks.

The shift of public discussion from racism towards fascist dilemmas (“kill them or lock them up?”) was encouraged on an official level first – and it then took the form of a seemingly “militant” fascist organization.

The first line of argumentation relied on racism that appealed to geography and the economy – a type of racism that is as old as European imperialism in the Americas. It went like this: “Immigrants are detrimental for the economy, especially in times of crisis, see for example what the illegal street vendors are doing to our shops. And if we do have to incorporate some of the war victims, why not share the burden with the rest of the EU?”

(Illustrations accompanying this propaganda are the unlimited graphs and diagrams showing the falling economic indices and the usual surrealist iconography of the stock exchange figures…)

The “facts” upon which this discourse discourse depends have absolutely no connection to reality. The mythical content of all three arguments should be obvious by now:

Myth 1: “bad for the economy”

The British Parliament concluded in 2008 that 17% of development in Britain is due to immigration. France announced in 2009 that her net profit from immigration every year amounts to 12.4 billions of Euro. In 2010, the US declared that “the legalization of sans-papiers would boost the American economy over the next decade” by 1.5 trillion. In Brussels, it was decided that the EU is in need of immigrants from North Africa, since the East European workforce does not suffice to cover the needs of Europe.

From the point of view of economic rates and indices, more immigrants in Europe rejuvenate the ageing population, provide the productive sectors with cheap labor, do jobs turned down by most citizens (from the recycling and selling of garbage by hand to the hard labor on the fields), and keep profits from the  undeclared “black” economy under control. The devaluation of the workforce, evident at least since the early 1990s, has not aimed primarily to drive away immigrants, as much as to create an intensely “zoned” and divided immigrant population, and to reproduce a workforce that will live and work under conditions of constant terror and insecurity.

We know that it is exploitation and racism that destroys jobs and the workplace in the first place. And when racism is not enough, when, in other words, it is in the interest of the bosses not to encourage but to destroy production and restructure labor (as is happening right now in their crisis), then they mobilize fascism and its “sanitization operations”. If not by design, then by default.

Myth 2. “ The immigrant street vendors damage small and medium businesses”

The first so-called resident patrols in Athens a few years ago targeted the “illegal trade” of the immigrant street vendors. (In spring 2009, members of the nazi party Golden Dawn and other far-right wing supporters, backed by the Trade Association of Athens, began a series of appearances on Ermou street, the most central commercial street of Athens, and soon at open marketplaces, disguised as a group of concerned small businessmen calling their movement “STOP ILLEGAL TRADE”, taking photographs, cursing and provoking the immigrants, threatening to lynch them with batons. This paved the way for their social legitimization… The fascist “concerned citizens” presented preposterously inflated numbers for this trade: “Street vendors are costing us 25 billion Euro a year”, which would actually mean that every single Greek citizen spends 3,000 Euro a year on street vendors’ products!

The truth is, all kinds of small and medium businesses are collapsing, since people have much less income to spend: Restaurants, bookshops, cafes, florists’, printers’, radio stations, ad companies are not being affected by the minimal trade in a few Chinese-manufactured umbrellas and bags sold on the street. Also, the fact that people can consume a few cheaper products actually means that they have more to spend on other goods from other businesses. Most importantly though, if 100,000 immigrant street vendors (that is the official –extremely overestimated– number the police authorities provide) make an estimated average daily 10-15 Euro, most of this money (300-400 million Euro a year) returns to the State as direct and indirect tax money: cigarettes, municipal tax, petrol, electricity, and, notably, high (usually collective) rent, for tiny and shabby apartments that would otherwise remain empty…So the authorities and their fascist employees forget to mention that they are actually profiting from the side-economy of the street vendors…

Myth 3. “ Greece has to carry the whole of the weight of immigration in the EU”

In the last 10 years the State, while complaining about the influx of a large number of sans papiers into Greece, demanded only 16.8 million, from a total of 628 million Euro available through the EU Fund for Refugees! This amount was handed to Greece immediately (and it was not even used for “humanitarian infrastructure”…)

Three quarters of sans papiers who enter the EU do it through the Greco-Turkish borders. That, however, does not mean that they all stay – even if it is illegal to leave. According to the official Eurostat data (February 2012), last year there were 220,390 applications for asylum in the EU, while in Greece the number did not exceed 10,000. (Incidentally, the EU average of acceptance of asylum demands was 25%, while the Greek a mere 1%.)

In other words, there is a significant number of immigrants who enter Greece and somehow end up in other European countries. Who is responsible for “lightening the weight” of illegal immigration in Greece? It is the trafficking circuits which are making considerable profit. At the moment, the fee to pass from Greece to say France is 4,000 Euro, and a cheaper way to approach e.g. Austria through the Western Balkans is 2,800 Euro. So the value of a person who crosses the Evros border for 500 Euro rises six times as they enter Greece.

In the last few months maybe a quarter of the immigrants has already left. The issue of geographical capacity will soon not stand…One can pass to the Republic of Macedonia with only 25 Euros in his pocket. Montenegro is already setting up shop with Bangladeshis in the Russian tourist business. Serbia is tightening its controls but the ultimate limit is now the border to Hungary. Other immigrants are going back to Turkey. The Greco-Turkish passage tariff has dropped from 3,000 Euros to small change…Let us see the rates of development in the Balkans in the next few years… – In any case, the black market of human trafficking (including many local officials) will not want this to change any time soon in the next few years: the work and waste-force is being rearranged as we are speaking!

One methodological question here would be: How can we reconcile the analysis of the “radical economists” who are calling for an exit from the Euro –and analyze the crisis in monetary and financial terms- with those left-wing politicians in the Euro-Parliament who envision a return to a kind of State self-sufficiency and moderate exchange in food, health and education (as if there was a democratic historical precedent for that), with the movements, from Brazil to South Africa, who are still  focusing on defending common land and housing?

The second line of argumentation turned the necessary evil of the earlier discourse into an unnecessary evil. “There is no room for them, because they are dirty and criminal. They could only be used as slaves.” This kind of morally invested and medicalized racism is based on the idea of some clean and moral poverty reminiscent of the early Christian times in the Roman Empire, for which the poor should be hygienic and righteous, and can be found in the pogroms against the Jews in early modern Europe as well as the treatment of the mad and the diseased ever since.

Again, the underlying truisms can be easily contested by plain facts.

Myth 4. They say: There is no more room for immigrants

The hundreds of Afghanis who were eligible for political asylum because of the war in Aghanistan, were abandoned in the Aghios Panteleimon square in central Athens in 2008. This concentration of people was the first example of the “humanitarian problem” of the capital. Though the government could have easily used then abundant EU funds to help these refugees of war to at least find a place to sleep, the refugees were left –for years- to live out in the open, with no food, shelter or toilets. Very soon in 2008 the first fascist “citizens’ committees” were attacking them.

Even 5 or 5,000 people, if they are abandoned somewhere with no means to survive, are enough to cause a “humanitarian crisis”. But what does this digital logic of numbers say? According to the UN, “if the EU wants to maintain the general population’s living standards of 1995, it will need 135 million immigrants by 2025”. So the immigrants in Europe are simply not enough. There is obviously plenty of space and plenty of need for the young, quiet, and able amongst them– as long as they work as slaves, like the Albanians in the 1990s, or as long as they can be treated as human garbage, and used as a scapegoat for the planned and orchestrated destruction of the productive structures of Greece.

It might sound obvious, but this first myth also feeds in a sense on the so-called spatial analysis, again very popular in radical circles. According to such approaches, bodies take up space and, in a post-Malthusian way, given quantities of people are supposed to fit in given stretches of land. This idea pervades both the discussion on the “tragic of the commons”, which relied on the spatial example of the field cultivated by certain people and almost by definition giving birth to a sense of ownership, as well as many convincing analyses of the Paris Commune, for which the way the streets were cut allowed for the barricades and the lasting hind-street battles to become symbols of radical resistance from below.

Yet we know that almost nowhere in the world are spatial resources the issue: Not in the case of the Lacandona lake, where the government has tried and is still trying to defeat the social drive of the Zapatista villages, through drugs, money, tourism…Not in the case of the abandoned cities in China, built to receive millions of young homemakers and now haunted by the phantom buildings of their own ambition.

So there is plenty of room for slaves and beggars. There is no room for immigrants and Greeks with rights, decent work, hope and dignity.

Myth 5. “ public health hazard”

Waste is toxic and should be disposed of. Around 1000 Afghani young men in the self-made settlement in Patras were considered a public health hazard in 2008 after the public water supply of the settlement was being cut off by the town council prompted by the residents of the area nearby, 300 hunger strikers in 2011 (250 in Athens and 50 in Thessaloniki) were decried as a disease bomb, though they managed to survive a 44-day fast with no serious infection, undocumented prostitutes were exposed as being the major HIV positive population group, some refugees living outside in the hundreds, waiting for a phonecall from the trafficking network to leave, were televised for the TB they contracted in Greece, not in their war-ridden country of origin…

Yet, according to official data from the Hellenic Center for Disease Control & Prevention

(KEELPNO), between 2004 and 2010 there is a significant drop in the number of cases of tuberculosis in Greece, and in fact the percentage is much lower than the EU average, as ECDC data confirms. As for the unprecedented rise in HIV cases in 2011, it is due to the rise in intravenous drug use and is not directly connected to immigrants.

It seems that in general, the “public health” card, so viciously played by politicians and media, failed to convince. The State  propaganda only proved first the state’s readiness to promote an ideology of racial supremacy, and maybe also the fact that hundreds of people, even if they are not eating, even if they are psychologically tortured and blackmailed by the authorities, even if they are forced to pursue a hunger strike in unhygienic conditions, can stay alive and healthy (if solidarity is strong). As Μedecins Sans Frontiers announced in April 2012: “It is not the foreigners who are sick, it is the poor. The poor are sick because politicians deprive them of access to health services.” And the only indisputable fact is that most of them enter the country healthy and contract diseases in the detention camps and police stations.

Here let us have a look at the concept of biopolitics. We like to imagine the mass management of populations with techniques that are actually directed to the body– from the cult of youth to the redefinition of ailment and normality to the invention of criminal sexualities and of needs for cosmetics, prosthetics and controlled or assisted reproduction. Yet here we are dealing with the flipside of a system that is commercialized throughout. It is only this kind of system that can exclude big parts of the population. This kind of hygienic fascism cannot exist without the commodification of health services.  As the health services decline (already artificial insemination and cosmetic surgery, boosting business in Greece, are collapsing), we predict this kind of racism cannot be directed against immigrants for too much longer. Unless of course…

Myth 6. “they raise the level of criminality” – again

For this mythical construct, the criminal immigrant returns, but after he has been transformed into an unnecessary evil, into waste. However, it is a constant after World War II in Europe: As with trafficking, the slave trade too is a huge circuit in which many are involved, including pimps, drug dealers, police officers, fascists, and managers of “protection services” to businesses. The slave trade mafias are also drug cartels and prostitution businesses. Their networks control many forms of criminality at once. When there is no way for someone to make a living, and when street vendors are being treated as drug dealers, it is easier for the mafias to recruit members…

Sudden pauperization definitely breeds criminality or rather, the criminal onslaught of capital always creates new rounds of criminality: Our Balkan neighbors, after the capitalist structural adjustments of the last 20 years, suffer from higher rates of criminality than Greece, though the immigrant population within their countries is sparse. Immigration is not directly connected to criminality. The connection between criminality and immigrants is forged in a specific and conscious way. The State prefers to rely on the mafias for the management of the influx of immigrants and on the fascists for the “solution to the immigrant problem”. In any case it is much easier for government officials and cops to “discuss matters” with the leaders of mafia gangs and of para-State groups (though such arrangements often run the risk of really getting out of hand from the point of view of “law and order”…)

As for the mafia leaders and fascists themselves, they are a flexible lot in Greece. The same people can be “concerned citizens” chasing immigrants in an Athens square in the morning, and professional assassins executing a death contract in the evening. They can be on duty in uniform in the morning, blogging patriotic-nazi propaganda in the afternoon, selling protection services and collecting money from a prostitution business in the evening.

In other words: Nazis, encouraged and often promoted by the State, (and also comprising at least 50% of special police forces) are claiming social legitimacy: Mafias are particularly useful in times of social tension. What kind of tension had been created in the first place? Incontrollable immigrant struggles.

 

3. Immigrants’ struggles

In 2009, Konstandina Kouneva became the shining example of an immigrant woman working for a workers’ subletting company, who dared unionize in a grassroots union and speak up for the rights of herself and her fellow workers in the cleaning business. In 2010, Egyptian fishermen in Michaniona, Thessaloniki, initiated the first strike in the post-IMF period in Greece. In 2011, 300 immigrant workers went on a 44-day hunger strike demanding human and labor rights, sending the first message of hope, solidarity and struggle amidst the crisis. Will the next paradigm be immigrants demonstrating with placards praising Allah and accusing the Greek State of insulting the Khuran? Let us remember some of the contingents in the 24th of August 2012 demonstration in Athens, where an anti-racist demo was turned into an occasion for mass muslim prayer… Let us remember September’s demo on Syntagma square: Immigrants were chanting “Allah Akhbar”…the vast majority of them never felt they could take the chance to denounce the killings, the pogroms, the beatings, the humiliation, trafficking, exploitation they have been experiencing all these years – without the Muslim umbrella…

We are not saying that hundreds of thousands of immigrants subscribe to this religious channelling of anger…Yet these moments are the ones which are being encouraged and promoted. (The Bangladeshis of 2012 are the Albanians of the 1990s…and the Greeks are happy to see Banglas being primarily muslim just like they were happy to see the Albanians act as the boss’s bodyguards.)

Indeed, it seems quite possible right now: If the regime decides upon some “strategy of tension”, it will not necessarily manufacture some micro-civil war or some “war between the extremes” (between the far-right and the far-left, as the State managed to crush the movement in 1970s Italy). The State might opt for another solution, the alleged (and famously proclaimed) “clash of civilizations” on religious separatist basis. That is exactly what happened with a part of the indignados movement in the squares in Greece last year: The enraged Greeks tried to revolt, populist support from the media talked of “traitor politicians” and inflated the metaphysical distinctions between “bad” financial capitalists and “good” investment capitalists, then the protesters started waving national flags and calling for what could be generally summarized as a “patriotic class war.” That was it. Their rage had been channeled towards fascism. With a similar technique, the expression of immigrants’ discontent could be placed under the control of muslim leaders and mullahs. Indeed, authorities and bosses of all kinds always find a way to coordinate their practices. Now, besides repatriation, forced or other, there are 2 roads the sans papiers can go down: the drug trade and human trafficking clusters (not yet networks) and Islam – or both? 

4. Who are the people who are in fact allowing fascism?

We would never claim there is no participation from below in these manufactured movements. The use of the notions of biopolitical and molecular power by radical analysis indeed showed up the necessity of a willing victim at every historical turn of expoitation and readjustment, accumulation and restructuring of labour relations. And it is a plain fact that liberal capitalism in the West usually needs this kind of social contract – voluntary subjection, mass acceptance.

But we should understand the molecularity also as a measure of the effectiveness of social movements. The type of human promoted by capitalist relations in Greece since at least the early sixties did not prepare anyone for a sudden devaluation of work and a sudden drop in the quality of life, since consumerism was never ethically, politically (in other words, evidently in the symbolic) connected with exploitation elsewhere.

The left wing culture of civil war songs and anti-jhunta narratives, dominant also amongst the wider public (it was the only culture available besides the obviously grotesque patriotic militarism and religious infantilism of the right-wing culture) overused and abused notions of victimhood. Now there are no words to conceptualize, the crisis and assign it the measure of newness it deserves on a European level, but also to realize how this is nothing new for billions in Africa and Asia. There have been quite a few analyses of the squares movement in relation to a psychology of national victimhood. They failed to note that prime-time TV was promoting the indignados meeting points and demo photos…If we are to understand molecularity in biopolitics, we have to set aside for a while questions of “political identity”…

So we do not subscribe to some conspiracy theory of “how, in the crisis, fascism was manufactured in the laboratories of the State of Disaster Capitalism, behind closed doors or with contracts signed with blood.” However, these metaphors, if used within the informed context of the ruthlessness of Capital and its use of State control mechanisms and of public resources alike, are, we believe, possibly simplified but hardly incorrect tools to describe the actual reality people are experiencing every day.

Our intention is to show that recent attacks are not some spontaneous outcome of poverty, since shared poverty can inspire solidarity as much as it can awaken fascist reflexes. Neither is the spread of fascist violence always in the interest of all capitalists and all States in times of crisis: Fascism is only one of the weapons of Capital, and, furthermore, it is not necessarily the best one for business or for whatever bio-political management. Governing techniques are just techniques, and there is only one conspiracy, the structure and possibility for content of communication.

5. was fascism already here before the crisis?

Where does that leave the spatial analysis? It is very usual that riot become interpreted through a kind of spatial impetus. Especially the December riots, or the general strike demos in Athens, are often presented as a theatre play where the scenography soon takes over the political narrative to create a background of the ever-present polis…It is common lately, besides the fetishization of the city and the concept of urban space, to actually look for the social dynamics there… But maybe today’s space has nothing to do with the conspiracy of a Hausmannization… Today’s space, platform-like and urban everywhere, is created by the technological structure of the media –and is imagined through our immersion in them. It is a space in which we experience power that does not feel centralized or distanced anymore. (What we are living now is the transition from a former regime of TV and mass participatory spectacles (from football to the open concert and the political meeting) to the emerging regime of the videogame and the internet.

The creation and promotion of fascist gangs does not aim merely at diverting attention from the crisis and the IMF attacks. The dominance of fascist rhetoric has a specific function for disillusioned people. But let us not forget the racist pogroms of 2004 against Albanians (after Albania’ won the European football Cup), the nationalist marches of hundreds of thousands protesting the decision of the Former Yugoslav Republic to use the name “Macedonia” for its State in the early 1990s, or the massive religious marches against lifting the obligatory statement of religion on ID cards in the mid-2000s…Let us not forget the dozens of deaths of refugees at the Greek borders in the 2000s or the deaths of immigrant workers on the fields and construction sites in 1990s and all through to the Olympic Games in 2004, before the onslaught of this “crisis”…The above-mentioned instances were hardly marginal, racism and the fascist devaluation of others have been the dominant culture for years now. We need only remind ourselves of two examples:

In 2009 the traveling exhibition of plastinated “Bodies” was accepted to Athens, and the organizers cooperated with the Town Council of Athens as well as the official Hellenic Society for Transplants. A political and scientific justification was offered to a “circus of the dead” exhuming the air of Auschtwitz, as a friend noted: Carcasses that had been dried and conserved through some technique, (now also used by an ex-student and current rival company owner) and were stretched and twisted to perform.

What can be more fascist than this? How can you not mind the dead being exorcized from the anthropological category of the sacred? How did scientists and academics immediately subscribe to this kind of horrid spectacle and at first did not hesitate to take their children to the exhibit in order for them to learn “what a smoker’s lung looks like” or to marvel at “the insides of a ballerina”?

On may not be willing to agree that the ubiquity of porn-videotapes of well-known talking heads are Orwellian enough, yet what can be more fascist than a series of prime-time TV shows, with considerable viewing stats, where retarded people perform pop-songs or play the mating and marriage game for all to watch and laugh? We are talking of a series of famous shows, US style, on Greek reality TV.  To laugh at the mad and the defective. To call sick and criminal, to attack and to treat as house pets people who have nowhere to sleep. To stare at dead peoples´ twisted and plastinated inner organs for recreation. What can be more fascist than that?

No visual culture analysis, no spatial analysis or “radical economic” one can act predictively or indeed politically at the moment. It is much more helpful to take a look at the media machine again, at the structure of communication, to see how in the last 20 years the so-called public sphere tried to turn dignity (a person being more than a body, a body being more than labor, economy being more than ownership) into an anti-social category.

Mobility, vitality, networking and participation is at the moment the cornerstone of the sense of belonging in the West: This is exactly what our forms and media of communication depend on. It is obvious: The success of an advertisement and of the multimillion dollar contract it might be equivalent to is directly proportionate to the millions of clicks on behalf of the user of the technical augmented communication device. This lack of content, the lack of larger oppositional views and decision-making possibilities is reflected also in the architecture of media control. The same companies own the technical hardware, (e.g. underground and underwater wiring systems, satellites and wave frequencies), the content of communication (processes of data selection and publishing companies, journalism and reporting, and educational institutions, entertainment businesses) and well as the customized devices of communication for private use.

It is no accident that the inspiring riots of December 08, but much more importantly the few but significant independent immigrant struggles in Greece, were the result of a long and not-so-advertized process of forging relationships and arguments, ideas and spaces that cannot be simply explained through the welfare State or the antiauthoritarian tradition in Greece…There we had the creation of value that by far went beyond the media circuits – and was quickly fought against in a fierce anti-immigrant backlash and the crisis…

In order to understand the mechanism of devaluation we have to evaluate the success of submission – which builds and cements the meanings of social interaction- we have to see the ideas that make it possible, but also the technological structure of these ideas. The way meaning is created and values are built cannot be boiled down to some local and global analysis of the political economy.

If we are to understand molecular biopolitics then we must see it working in the participatory mechanism of fascism and today´s fascism from below. Fuehrer and inspired leaders do not seem to be important anymore – the small fascist icons can be as many and as interchangeable as sitcom actors and second-rate soccer champions. Participation is virtual – but killing can be real, you can order a gun with the click of a mouse ‘but the bullet can blow you to pieces.

Virtual participation today does not refer to some NSDAP or any strong totalitarian party. Westerners have not been trained to offer themselves fully to a disciplined army, to fight a war – the war is fought elsewhere and today´s fascist contribution is just a spastic push in the rusty wheel of fortune. Biopolitical governance today manages, not to offer political content or “identity” to fear, but to provide opportunities for desire and fear to be constantly renewed, fulfilled and cancelled. This is the mechanism of fleeting molecular power over somebody weaker already present in the structure of our dominant socialization…The only content is the devaluation of others and that has always been the flipside, the deepweb, the darknet of the Enlightenment.

 

PS. This text has been published:

  • in the collection of texts Capital’s Greek Cage (Clandestina, George Caffentzis, Ernest Larsen, Sherry Millner. Capital’s Greek Cage, New York, Autonomedia 2013, pp. 7-32).
  • and (in a different version) in OUTIS –  Revue de philosophie (post)européenne: (Clandestina. “Not the scapegoat for the crisis, not prey of fascism. 6 myths about migrants in Greece”, OUTIS –  Revue de philosophie (post)européenne, No 3, vol. 1, 2013, Milano-Udine, pp. 251-256).

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Demonstration and assault against the detention camp of Rome

Posted by clandestina on 17 February 2014

Yesterday, around 10.000 people marched against the detention center for migrants (CIE) of Rome Ponte Galeria. In the days before police arrested 17 comrades from the movement for the right to the house very active in the mobilization against the CIE and deported back to their countries several migrants that did the hunger strike against the detention. The same day of the march cops confiscated the truck with the amplification, making impossible to communicate during the demonstration.

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